The Legislative Attack on American Workers

From the Economic Policy Institute

Over the past two years, state legislators across the country have launched an unprecedented series of initiatives aimed at lowering labor standards, weakening unions, and eroding workplace protections for both union and non-union workers. This policy agenda undercuts the ability of low- and middle-wage workers, both union and non-union, to earn a decent wage.

This report provides a broad overview of the attack on wages, labor standards, and workplace protections as it has been advanced in state legislatures across the country. Specifically, the report seeks to illuminate the agenda to undermine wages and labor standards being advanced for non-union Americans in order to understand how this fits with the far better-publicized assaults on the rights of unionized employees. By documenting the similarities in how analogous bills have been advanced in multiple states, the report establishes the extent to which legislation emanates not from state officials responding to local economic conditions, but from an economic and policy agenda fueled by national corporate lobbies that aim to lower wages and labor standards across the country.

In 2011 and 2012, state legislatures undertook numerous efforts to undermine wages and labor standards:
  • Four states passed laws restricting the minimum wage, four lifted restrictions on child labor, and 16 imposed new limits on benefits for the unemployed.
  • States also passed laws stripping workers of overtime rights, repealing or restricting rights to sick leave, undermining workplace safety protections, and making it harder to sue one’s employer for race or sex discrimination.
  • Legislation has been pursued making it harder for employees to recover unpaid wages (i.e., wage theft) and banning local cities and counties from establishing minimum wages or rights to sick leave.
  • For the 93 percent of private-sector employees who have no union contract, laws on matters such as wages and sick time define employment standards and rights on the job. Thus, this agenda to undermine wages and working conditions is aimed primarily at non-union, private-sector employees.

These efforts provide important context for the much-better-publicized moves to undermine public employee unions. By far the most galvanizing and most widely reported legislative battle of the past two years was Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker’s “budget repair bill” that, in early 2011, largely eliminated collective bargaining rights for the state’s 175,000 public employees.1 Following this, in 2011 and 2012:

  • Fifteen states passed laws restricting public employees’ collective bargaining rights or ability to collect “fair share” dues through payroll deductions.
  • Nineteen states introduced “right-to-work” bills, and “right-to-work” laws affecting private-sector collective bargaining agreements were enacted in Michigan and Indiana.

The champions of anti-union legislation often portrayed themselves as the defenders of non-union workers—whom they characterized as hard-working private-sector taxpayers being forced to pick up the tab for public employees’ lavish pay and pensions. Two years later, however, it is clear that the attack on public employee unions has been part of a broader agenda aiming to cut wages and benefits and erode working conditions and legal protections for all workers—whether union or non-union, in the public and private sectors alike.

This push to erode labor standards, undercut wages, and undermine unions has been advanced by policymakers pursuing a misguided economic agenda working in tandem with the major corporate lobbies. The report highlights legislation authored or supported by major corporate lobbies such as the Chamber of Commerce, National Federation of Independent Business, and National Association of Manufacturers—and by corporate-funded lobbying organizations such as the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), Americans for Tax Reform, and Americans for Prosperity—in order to draw the clearest possible picture of the legislative and economic policy agenda of the country’s most powerful economic actors. To make the most clear-eyed decisions in charting future policy directions, it is critical to understand how the various parts of these organizations’ agenda fit together, and where they ultimately lead.

This report begins by examining the recent offensive aimed at public-sector unions in order to point out the tactics commonly employed by corporate lobbies such as ALEC and the Chamber of Commerce; it establishes that their agenda is driven by political strategies rather than fiscal necessities. The paper then examines the details of this agenda with respect to unionized public employees, non-unionized public employees, and unionized private-sector workers. Finally, the bulk of the report details the corporate-backed agenda for non-union, private-sector workers as concerns the minimum wage, wage theft, child labor, overtime, misclassification of employees as independent contractors, sick leave, workplace safety standards, meal breaks, employment discrimination, and unemployment insurance.

Click here to read the whole report.

Broad Foundation just another anti-tax outfit

Eli Board, the billionaire backer of the corporate eduction reform organization The Board Foundation, likes to pretend he and his foundation are non partisan and simply doing best by students. It's never been a very credible claim, but now any shred of doubt has been stripped away by reports that he secretly funded anti-union, anti-tax efforts in California

A state investigation into a network of nonprofit groups that funneled $11 million into initiative campaigns in California last year has revealed the identities of dozens of previously hidden donors to the various organizations.

Those contributors include owners of the Gap Inc., for which California First Lady Anne Gust Brown was once a top executive, investor Charles Schwab and Los Angeles philanthropist Eli Broad. The groups they donated to gave money to other organizations, which gave to the campaigns.

One of the campaigns was an effort to derail a 2012 tax measure pushed by Gov. Jerry Brown -- which Broad had said he supported. The other supported a separate initiative that would have limited the power of labor unions to raise political cash.

Just like StudentsFirst, the Board Foundation shows that it isn't about education reform at all, but rather, just another anti-tax effort funded by a billionaire.

$9 a year or adequately fund education

Following up on our piece last week, where we pointed out that the Governor and his legislative allies would better serve Ohio by investing Midicaid savings in education, rather than more fruitless tax cuts, Ohio E&A had this to say

Senate Bill 210 would provide for a permanent income tax rate reduction of 4% for all tax brackets beginning in 2014. This bill would revise Section 5747.02 of the Ohio Revised Code.

This bill is in response to the Controlling Board's approval of the Medicaid expansion which freed up in the range of $400 million from unbudgeted savings in the state's biennial budget (HB 59). It is estimated that Senate Bill 210 would save $9 for the average income taxpayer.

During sponsor testimony, the bill's lead sponsor responded to an inquiry from a committee member about using the funds to restore cuts to local governments or education priorities. The sponsor responded that $400 million divided by 613 districts would have a minimal impact.

$400 million distributed on a per pupil basis would compute to about $230.00. If this amount would be distributed on an equalized basis, some districts would receive a very substantial per pupil increase. That amount applied to funding the Third Grade Guarantee would help alleviate some of the angst among local school officials. Other possible uses are:

Early childhood education
School bus purchase
Transportation operation
Unfunded and underfunded mandates
Scores of other programs and services

Legislators should be reminded that the state income tax law (Section 5747.02) in part states: "(A) For the purpose of providing revenue for the support of schools and local government functions..."

The state income tax was initiated in 1972 to increase state support for schools and other state government functions. The current legislative trend is to shift the fiscal responsibilities of public education to boards of education and other services to local officials.

Senate Bill 210 is being promoted as a measure to make Ohio more attractive and job-friendly. An additional $400 million invested in the public common school system would pay greater dividends than a tax cut.

Why would anyone want to continue to underfund public education for the sake of saving $9 a year for a typical tax payer? The choice seems simple.

We cannot fire our way into Finland

Via the Shanker Institute, an insightful piece on getting teacher evaluaions right

Linda Darling-Hammond’s new book, Getting Teacher Evaluation Right, is a detailed, practical guide about how to improve the teaching profession. It leverages the best research and best practices, offering actionable, illustrated steps to getting teacher evaluation right, with rich examples from the U.S. and abroad.

Here I offer a summary of the book’s main arguments and conclude with a couple of broad questions prompted by the book. But, before I delve into the details, here’s my quick take on Darling-Hammond’s overall stance.

We are at a crossroads in education; two paths lay before us. The first seems shorter, easier and more straightforward. The second seems long, winding and difficult. The big problem is that the first path does not really lead to where we need to go; in fact, it is taking us in the opposite direction. So, despite appearances, more steady progress will be made if we take the more difficult route. This book is a guide on how to get teacher evaluation right, not how to do it quickly or with minimal effort. So, in a way, the big message or take away is: There are no shortcuts.

The original inspiration for the book – says Darling-Hammond, who serves on our board of directors – was the Albert Shanker Institute’s Good Schools Seminar Series, the goal of which is to build a network of union leaders, district superintendents, and researchers by creating a safe, off-the-record space where they can work collaboratively on issues related to improving teaching and learning. Getting Teacher Evaluation Right is a response to requests from these stakeholders, and is intended to help all sides “imagine and create coherent systems for evaluating teachers in ways that support continuous improvement in classrooms and schools.”

Despite the recent, intense and controversial focus on teacher evaluation as a means to increasing student learning, “existing [teacher evaluation] systems rarely help teachers improve or clearly distinguish those who are succeeding from those who are struggling.” (p. 24)* One problem is that they are not really systems. Judging from the attention to teacher evaluation these days, one wouldn’t suspect that teacher evaluation is really only one small piece of the educational improvement puzzle: “Changing on-the-job evaluation will not, by itself, transform the quality of teaching.” We cannot fire our way into Finland, Darling-Hammond says:

We will not really improve the quality of the profession if we do not also cultivate an excellent supply of good teachers who are well prepared and committed to career-long learning. (p. 26)

Continue reading...

An opportunity for Kasich to restore his cuts

The Department of education recently announced that they had received 570 Straight A Fund applications totaling $868 million from 420 organizations, although only $100 million in grants is available this year. This should come as little surprise to anyone who has followed the Kasich administrations policies towards K-12 school funding.

His first budget slashed an astronomical $3.1 billion from local school districts, his subsequent budget left schools with a $500 million deficit compared to 2009 spending levels

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As large as these cuts have been, they don't paint the entire picture. Simultaneously to these cuts has been the imposition of large unfunded mandates.

Implementation and operation of the 3rd grade reading guarantee could cost upwards of $500 million. The Rube Goldberg Ohio Teacher Evaluation system (OTES) places a massive demand upon school resources to implement. There has been a large expansion in private school vouchers, and charter schools that directly result in almost $1 billion in transfersfrom local school district budgets to the profiteers, mostly at the expense of quality.

Perhaps the most immediate drain however is the technology requirements to implement the PARCC assessments, where every student will be taking their tests online. Before schools begin to pay $29.50 to PARCC per test, many will need to procure, install and configure hundred of computers and backend infrastructure. This, we expect, is a significant number of the Straight A Fund applications.

All told then, it is not difficult to understand why the Straight A Fund is so massively over subscribed, and why Ohio's schools are in so much financial stress

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The Governor and his legislative allies must begin to recognize the problems they have created and immediately address them. They must start by using the $400 million in medicaid savings not for more unnecessary tax cuts, but to begin to adequately fund our schools.

Except for Right-to-work states, US Ed outperforms international averages

Despite repeated claims made by the corporate education privatization movement, according to a new study by the National Center for Education Statistics, public schools in the US stack up very well compared to their intenrational "competition"

The U.S. States in a Global Context report presents results from the 2011 NAEP-TIMSS Linking Study in mathematics and science at grade 8 for 52 states (includes the District of Columbia, and the Department of Defense schools) and 47 education systems (38 countries and 9 subnational education systems).

Results are reported as average scores on the TIMSS scales (0–1,000 with an average of 500) and percentages of students scoring at or above the TIMSS international benchmarks: Advanced (625), High (550), Intermediate (475), and Low (400). Three linking methods¯statistical moderation, statistical projection, and calibration¯were applied to predict TIMSS results for 43 states that had participated only in NAEP. The three linking methods produced similar results.

Mathematics
Compared to the TIMSS average, 36 states scored higher, 10 states scored comparably, and 6 states scored lower. Massachusetts scored higher than 42 education systems. Chinese Taipei, Hong Kong SAR, the Republic of Korea, and Singapore scored higher than all 52 U.S. states.

Science
Compared to the TIMSS average, 47 states scored higher, 2 states scored comparably, and 3 states scored lower. Massachusetts and Vermont scored higher than 43 education systems. Singapore scored higher than all 52 U.S. states.

Here's how the states stacked up

The eagled-eyed among you will notice that the poorest performing states are predominantly "right-to-work" states such as MS and AL. The vast majority of states, including Ohio, exceed their average TIMSS. There is no crisis other than in the minds of profiteers looking to manufacture one.

You can read the entire study here.